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There was no such hindrance in the W dialect region. In this region it was unusual for j to occur before a front vowel in word-initial position, i. e. the pronunciation eden ‘one’ , elen ‘deer’, esen ‘autumn’ was al­ ready established (see § 31). The avoidance of the sequence j + front vowel Q, § 41 led to the change j%- > jo- (jdnzyk > jdnzyk). In the E dialects, the same situation had been resolved by the elimination of j-, so that the final result was e as the reflex of g (via e : ezik, etrva, ecmen).

In BMOkt (mid-13th century): pokrijetsg ‘cover’ 3 sg, in O rbTr: ubity ‘killed’ , mnozy ‘m any’ nom pi, pustyti ‘let’, ty vesy ‘know’ 2 sg, etc. Strum does not distinguish y and i. y-Q,e 35 Jov (second half of the 13th century) provides a large number of exam­ ples which support the conclusion that y and i had fallen together. It is in­ teresting to note that we have y rather than the expected i in the majority of these examples: praznykb ‘holiday’, dvernykb ‘doorkeeper’ , izbavenye ‘salvation’, razboinicy ‘bandit’ nom pi, klevrety ‘fellow servant’ nom pi, zapovedy ‘commandment’ nom pi, mnozy nom pi, varity ‘to warn’ , rcy ‘say’ 2 sg imp, idy ‘go’ 2 sg imp, abye ‘right away’, ubyti ‘kill’ , esy ‘be’ 2 sg.

Its various reflexes in the M dialects attest to the fact that the vocalic part of this vowel was already differentiated in them by various nuances at an early date. What is to be investigated are the differences in root syllables, since in suffixal syllables we have a for p : padnal ‘fall’ past part, vikna ‘call’ 2 and 3 sg aor. A reflex apart in inflection occurs only in the N dialects {ženu ‘wom­ an’, sestru ‘sister’ acc, kažu ‘say’ 1 sg), elsewhere a appears as the reflex of p due to morphological-syntactic levelings: the general case form - žena, ses­ tra, 1 sg pres - kaža{m), etc.

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