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By Tolemariam Fufa

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Extra info for A Typology of Verbal Derivation in Ethiopian Afro-Asiatic Languages

Example text

Aš-guwabbät’-ä CAUS- bend-3M:PF The verb aläkkäs- ‘to cry’ is not expressed ideophonically but the intransitive causative aš-guwabbat’- in (34) is derived from an intransitive base gobbät’- ‘to be bent’. , to say ‘bent’. The affixation of the causative morpheme does not result in transitivization of the corresponding base verbs. These verbs could alternatively be used as ideophonic expressions. Verbs of sound emission such as aläk’k’äs- ‘to cry’, agäss- ‘to bellow’ and anbarräk’k’- ‘to release a loud sound’ are de-nominal intransitive causatives.

These similative causatives are referred as estimative causations by Leslau (1995: 488) as in a-[tä]-k’k’alläl-ä ‘consider low value’ and a-[tä]-rrakkäs-ä ‘hold of little value’. In these cases the forms of the verbs are similar to the forms of assistive causation. They are considered to be caused by the thought or speech of the corresponding causers. e. have/get permission’ and as-gäbb- ‘let enter’. Similarly, subjectless causations are expressed by the morpheme as- as in as-fälläg- ‘make need’ and asäññ- ‘make wish’.

Ssu gänzäb kä-bank 31b. ’ Both (30) and (31) are transitive structures in both the middle and the causative derived verbs. Neither does the presence of the morpheme tä- result in argument decreasing nor the presence of the morpheme a- result in argument increasing. There is no verb k’äbbäl- or bäddär- but if tä- were argument decreasing and a- were argument increasing, tä- and a- verbs never could have the same number of arguments. The nominal form of the base k’äbbäl- is k’ïbbäla12 which refers to the name of a holiday which means ‘receiving a holiday’.

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